By Tariq Abdell, Founder & Chairman, Mesopotamia Insight.
The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Operation New Dawn, ensuing the U.S. perspicacious plans to end combat operations in Iraq Aug. 31, underlines the U.S. commitment to a torn country that is in desperate need of rebuilding and reconciliation, as result of decades of wars and sanctions. Inarguably, Iraq’s impending multi-billion dollar mega-reconstruction projects (e.g., houses, roads, hospitals, bridges, airports, schools, dams, etc…) coalesced with a colossal and untapped natural resources (billion of proven oil and gas reserves) are irrefutably the modern day Eldorado, affording risk-taking investors a unique and unparallel opportunity to thrive and prosper.

Nonetheless, venturing into Iraq’s muddle (e.g., fragile democracy, geopolitical tensions, ethno-sectarian strife, severely languished infrastructure, impoverished population, etc… ) with no strategic foresight entails grave risks and dire consequences far beyond repair: Assets depletion, workforce distress, capital exposure, and, ultimately, business annihilation. Conversely, to overcome the aforementioned constraints and the unforeseen externalities associated with them, International oil companies (IOCs), including foreign investors, need to recalibrate their strategies to reflect Iraq’s post-conflict era and its idiosyncrasies (e.g., political landscape, tribal and cultural nuances, ethno-sectarian fabric, bureaucracy, etc…). Furthermore, IOCs must cultivate their leaders’ global mindset (e.g., transcultural competence, social capital, and situational awareness) mirroring Iraq’s ever-changing socio-economic environment, a crucial prerequisite for coping with omnipresent societal and institutional hurdles.

Thus, IOCs’ main goal is to build enough political capital susceptible to shield and protect their long term interests against the country’s political uncertainty. Furthermore,  in the absence of socio-economic data repositories to support strategic foresight analysis and projections, IOCs’ viable alternative is to adopt an integrative approach incorporating constrictive engagements, strategic partnerships, and corporate social responsibility as part of a broad engagement strategy; the end products of such approach are employed to strengthen International oil companies’  political capital and, thus, their operational efficiency. Subsequently, the suggested approach will entail four interconnected phases with three focal points (Strategic partnerships, political capital, and operational efficiency):

Phase I: Constructive engagements

Given the deep-seeded apprehension and mistrust of foreign investors (as result of years of planned economy), earning and maintaining the trust of local communities is an absolute imperative for IOCs’ survival in a hostile environment such as Iraq. Thus, to gain a deep understanding of the local communities’ customs, value system, and nuances; IOCs should engage all the concerned stakeholders in their areas of operations (e.g., Tribal and religious leaders, NGOs, media, members of the provincial government, etc…) via a participatory and inclusive approach enabling them, in the process, to foster mutual understanding, respect and, most importantly, access to strategic insights.

Phase II: Strategic partnerships

With the already established relationships that is corroborated with strategic insights, IOCs should capitalize on the achievements of the previous phase by strengthening and solidifying relationships perceived to be promising, fruitful, and viable to turn into sustainable strategic partnerships.

Phase III: Genuine corporate social responsibility

Given the socio-economic fabric of their areas of operations, IOCs must adopt acculturated corporate social responsibility for a broad and immediate impact. Subsequently, IOCs should leverage the already fostered strategic partnerships to help devise and deliver their envisioned corporate social responsibility strategies in concert with local partners and beneficiaries. For instance, IOCs should work with renowned and genuine NGOs to solve a communal problem, given that the NGO or the implementing partner’s track record is solid in its respective fields of operations.

Phase IV: Political capital

In this last phase, given the strength of the established strategic partnerships and the achievements of corporate social responsibility programs as result of constructive engagements, International oil companies should have, hitherto, amassed enough political capital that counterparts their operational efficiency; consequently, ensuring their businesses success and, most importantly, survival in an environment replete with uncertainty and political instability.

In sum,  Strategic foresight, global mindset leadership, and  sustainable political capital are the prerequisites for IOCs survival in Iraq’s uncertainty.  ”The main worries are security and political stability”, says Dr. Thamir al Ugaili, Iraqi oil industry veteran, “that may severely affect fulfillment of a reliable national integrated plan that includes other sectors beside the oil sector. This integrated plan has not been started yet.”  (Zawya.com Aug.18) 

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

The author,  Mr. Tariq Abdell, is an Iraq analyst, former Iraq advisor to senior U.S. diplomats, and Founder & Chairman of  Mesopotamia Insight.

He can be contacted at: atariq2000@hotmail.com
or
Followed on twitter: http://www.twitter.com/atariqx

By Tariq Abdell, Founder & Chairman, Mesopotamia Insight.

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

I always believe that politics is the art of compromising, in other words, is knowing when and where to give or to ask. Alas, President Obama’s letter, Foreign Policy magazine, to Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraq’s top shiite cleric, urging him to help put an end to the country’s political impasse in the midst of the U.S. planned hastily withdrawal is a major foreign policy flaw, given the country’s protracted ethno-sectarian strife and recent upsurge of the political violence – Series of concerted attacks in different part of the country: Baghdad, Kirkuk, Kut, Anbar, Basrah, Fallujah, Mosul, etc…

The unintended consequences of such overture, given the U.S. inability to coerce all the major stakeholders to compromise and form a national unity government, could be perceived by some, mainly Iran’s proxies and Al-Quaeda in Iraq, as a desperate act of a weak and rattle administration and, consequently, deepening the already existed ethno-sectarian divide in a time when the country is striving to recover and dust off years of sectarian violence. By endorsing or appealing to a particular sect or ethnic group, U.S. risks encroaching itself into a centuries-old feud (e.g., Shiite Vs. Sunnis, Muslims Vs. Christians, Kurds Vs. Arabs, etc…) with no feasible solution in the horizon. Furthermore, with such act, U.S. is invigorating Iran’s economic and religious ambitions in Iraq, and, consequently, turning it into a Shiite Islamic theocracy – Iran’s 31st province.

If Grand Ayatollah Sistani, an Iranian born, decides to intervene to end the political deadlock, he is most likely to endorse one of the key members of the Shiite megabloc “National Iraqi Alliance” he helped create, Consequently, undermining the secular and pan-Arabist forces led by Ayad Allawi, head of the Iraqiya party a Sunni-backed bloc. Furthermore, the Shiite Alliance is a merger of the Qods force (IRGC special operations unit) groomed political and paramilitary organizations: The Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and its military wing Badr corps, comprised of Iraqi exiles that follow Khomeini’s ideology (Velayat Faqih) and al-Hakim family’s leadership , Jaysh al-Mahdi (JAM) militia, the armed wing of the Sadrist Movement and most powerful force on the streets of Iraq, led by the firebrand Moktada al-Sadr, and State of Law coalition led by the current PM. Nuri al-Maliki. According to a recent poll by the Asharq research centre, 41.2 percent of 12000 people question in 18 provinces: Tehran is hindering Iraq’s chances of establishing a new government. Moreover, Iran’s new ambassador to Iraq Hassan Danaifar, a Baghdad native and Qods Force veteran commander, signals Iran’s vested interest in building and strengthening its military, political and religious influence in a postwar Iraq.

In summary, the U.S. and its ally forces went to Iraq, presumably, to take down a military dictatorship and replace it with a constitutional democracy, not a Shiite Islamic theocracy which is a mere extension of the Mullah regime in Iran. Thus, with such act, U.S. will ultimately end up handing Iraq to Iran (oldest nemesis) on a silver platter, as result of poor strategic foresight and misunderstanding of the region’s inherited geostrategic value to the world stability (beyond the oil), as Mr Tarek Aziz, Iraq previous foreign minister, said, in interview with the British Guardian, to Mr. Obama, “… He is leaving Iraq to the wolves…”

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Related articles:

• IOCs and Iraq’s Peculiarities
• Investing in Iraq: Post-Conflict Constraints and Rewards
• Is Iraq Reverting to Square One?

The author, Tariq Abdell, is an Iraq analyst, and Founder & Chairman of Mesopotamia Insight

He can be contacted at: atariq2000@hotmail.com

or

Followed on twitter: http://www.twitter.com/atariqx

By Tariq Abdell, Founder & Chairman, Mesopotamia Insight.

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Recent oil conferences in Baghdad and Basrah, hosted respectively by the oil ministry and the USG, underscored the International oil companies (IOCs) poor situational awareness, strategic foresight, versatility, and, most importantly, obliviousness to the country’s ages-old nuances. Furthermore, given the country continues ethno-sectarian contentions and a convoluted political impasse, such frailties coupled with unforeseen externalities associated with the country post-conflict environment are inherent sources of capital exposure and, consequently, business extinction.

Thus, although IOCs are known of operating in high-risk environments e.g., Venezuela, Nigeria, etc… Iraq’s peculiarities , left unchecked, could be a source of the workforce distress and capital depletion. Simply put, as result of decades of wars, sanctions, languished infrastructure, and brain drain, it will take sometimes for an eastern country such as Iraq – both people and institutions – to adjust to a newly adapted democratic values and western business practices. Consequently, IOCs must devise an acculturated and comprehensive investment strategy which does factor in Iraq’s peculiarities. Moreover, to ensure the success of such strategy, IOCs must build in-house leaders, who acquire transcultural competence, strategic insight, and situational awareness; to overcome the aforementioned societal and institutional hurdles, and safeguard their company business interests. The suggested approach will entail the following:

Corporate social responsibility

IOC must adopt a genuine and acculturated corporate social responsibility for a broad and immediate societal impact and self-image promotion. To this end, IOC must work with renowned and genuine NGOs with a solid track record in their respective fields of operations. Moreover, it’s advisable for an IOC to reach out to key individuals and institutions nearby their respective field of operations e.g., IOC operating in Basrah province (Zubeir, Rumeila, west-Qurna fields, etc…) may sponsor an academic exchange or cooperation program with certain departments within Basrah University.

Trans-cultural competence

IOC must build in-house leaders with an acute global mindset and transcultural competence enabling their leaders to operate flawlessly in a multiethnic and/or multicultural environments. Moreover, such attributes are a prerequisite for a successful business endeavor in a politically volatile environment such as Iraq’s.

Case-in-point:

Tony Hayward’s, the departing chief executive of BP, fiasco with the U.S. media and public as result of a poor leadership and calamitous public relations (” I want my life back”). In fact, Mr. Hayward’s miscalculations did cost him his job and, in the process, BP’s public image – Villain oil company.

Strategic insight

IOCs must initiate constructive engagements with key individuals and institutions, namely members of the provincial government, military leadership, tribal and religious leaders, businessmen, media representatives, and NGOs. Such engagements are viable expedient to dissipated some of the deep-seeded apprehensions vis-a-vis oil companies, cultivate fruitful relationships and, consequently, foster a sustainable strategic partnerships a prerequisite for business survival and success in a hostile environment.

In summary, by understanding the country’s centuries-old nuances and espousing a genuine corporate responsibility, transcultural competence, and strategic insights, IOCs are most likely to avoid undergoing BP’s ordeal in Iraq’s investment hostile climate. In fact, BP’s misfortune, as result of oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, poor judgment, and, most importantly, misunderstanding of the America’s peculiarities; is a wakeup call for the rest of the industry to adopt a acculturated strategies in their areas of operation- Taking into account host-nation cultural, geographic, and socio-economic fabric. According to the Chinese strategist Sun Tzu “Ignorant both of your enemy and yourself, you are certain to be in peril.”

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Related articles:

• Investing in Iraq: Post-Conflict Constraints and Rewards
• Is Iraq Reverting to Square One?

The author, Tariq Abdell, is an Iraq analyst, and Founder & Chairman of Mesopotamia Insight

He can be contacted at: atariq2000@hotmail.com

or

Followed on twitter: http://www.twitter.com/atariqx

By Tariq Abdell, Founder & Chairman, Mesopotamia Insight.

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

The Iraqi oil ministry held a two-day oil conference in Baghdad to discuss and tackle international oil companies’ concerns about their current operations, chiefly: corruption, bureaucracy, and inconsistent customs and visa procedures. Regrettably, given the country’s delicate juncture, the conference outcomes were below expectations, disappointing, and underscore the government inability to deliver on its promises and international oil companies’ political ineptitude. Mr. Hussein Al-Shahristani, the oil minister, promised to alleviate some of those concerns, e.g. streamlining the visa process for the oil companies’ staff and workers; however, such a gesture is perceived to be trivial given the oil companies’ immeasurable constraints.

Conversely, most Iraq’s experts and analysts were not surprised by the results of Baghdad’s oil conference. Iraq’s ethno-sectarian based government and lingering political impasse are inherent sources of a power vacuum, break-down in the government command and control, that is crippling the State’s institutions. Moreover, Mr. Al-Maliki’s cabinet is a merely caretaker government which deals with the country’s daily routine with no constitutional mandate to adopt new laws, undo old ones, or take on major issues (enacting the hydrocarbon law, for instance).

Hence, while awaiting the formation of a new government and, hopefully, the passing of the new hydrocarbons law, international oil companies’ only coherent avenue is to exploit the current predicament to foster their political capital, a vital expedient to minimize capital exposure and mitigate the unforeseen externalities associated with post-conflict environments, by devising a multidimensional approach which entails the following:

• Understanding the country political landmines, nuances, and centuries-old tribal law.
• Building strategic partnerships with local institutions (Basrah University, for instance).
• Adopting genuine and acculturated corporate social responsibility – Working with NGOs.
• Fostering their leaders’ transcultural competence and strategic insight.

As Mr. Obama’s chief of staff Rahm Emanuel used to say ” You never let a serious crisis go to waste and what I mean by that it’s an opportunity to do things you think you could not do before”

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Related articles:

• Investing in Iraq: Post-Conflict Constraints and Rewards
• Is Iraq Reverting to Square One?

The author, Tariq Abdell, is an Iraq analyst, and Founder & Chairman of Mesopotamia Insight

He can be contacted at: atariq2000@hotmail.com

or

Followed on twitter: http://www.twitter.com/atariqx

By Tariq Abdell, Founder & Chairman, Mesopotamia Insight.

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Iraq’s Lebanized democracy coupled with its lingering and convoluted political impasse are perfect recipes for a week and sectarian-based government, that is shackled by the region’s geopolitics (e.g., Iran’s nuclear and regional ambitions, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, etc…) consequently turning Iraq into proxy wars battleground for years to come and long after the U.S. forces are gone.

Thus, investors contemplating on doing business in Iraq, given the country’s untapped natural resources (billions of oil and gas reserves), are most likely to encounter a series of costly and challenging constraints common to post-conflict environments both internal and regional. These constraints are most likely to derail investors’ market entrée strategies, left unchecked, and damaged their long-term business interests in Iraq:

Internal constraints:

• According to transparency international 2009 corruption index, Iraq is the fourth most corrupt country along with Sudan.
• Well-entrenched tribal laws and archaic costumes undermine central government and foreign investors’ interests alike (tribal discontent of the oil companies, for instance).
• 20 to 25 percent of Iraqis still live below the country’s poverty line (Ministry of Planning), a potential source of societal and political upheavals.
• Higher illiteracy levels make it difficult for domestic and foreign investors to find a skilled and professionally literate workforce.
• Higher unemployment rates, notably among military-age male population, are direct causes of the sudden surge of organized crime and militia’s activities.
• Lack of basic services, e.g., drinking water, electricity, and running sewer nurtures resentment vis-a-vis public officials and foreign investors alike as recently demonstrated by electricity protests across Iraq.
• Deep-seeded distrust and apprehension of oil companies are crippling residues of decades of planned economy, e.g., oil union fervent opposition to the oil law and contracts.

Regional constraints:

• Iran, third’s largest oil producer (3.2 million bpd), is a major player in Iraq’s politics through its infamous Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ elite Qods Force and its proxies. As top U.S. commander in the country Gen. Ray Odierno said “There is a very consistent threat from Iranian surrogates operating in Iraq,” (Washington Post July 13th).
• The fallouts of Iran nuclear standoff with the West, United States recent approved new unilateral sanctions against Tehran, could easily spillover to Iraq’s internal politics and further undermine its stability. In fact, early signs of undercutting U.S. sanctions already been detected in the northern region where millions of dollars of oil and goods are smuggled to Iran (New York times report July 8).
• The proximity of Iraq’s major oil fields to Iraq-Iran porous borders makes international oil companies’ workforce and equipments a vulnerable target for kidnapping and sabotage -Granting Iran invaluable leverage against the west.
• Saudi Arabia, world’s largest oil producer (8.2 million bpd), could be a potential destabilizing force if the Shiite establishment continues to marginalize and ignore Sunnis’ demands.
• Turkey’s recurrent incursion into Northern Iraq in the pursuit of the Kurdish workers party (PKK) elements and PKK assiduous attacks on the northern oil pipelines are a major threat to the country’s sovereignty and unity. According to Gen. IIker Basbug, head of the Turkish army, “The presence of PKK bases in northern Iraq will certainly affect Turkey and Iraq’s relationship, and will negatively influence relations between the U.S. and Turkey” (VOA News).
• Kirkuk’s unsettled dispute (Northern oil hub) is a timed bomb that could expeditiously ignite a second civil war given Kirkuk’s ethnic diversity, e.g., Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, etc…
• U.S. planned hastily withdrawal in the absence of a legitimate and strong government it’s a strategic misjudgment with a dangerous and costly repercussions – Foreign investors may need to beef up their security personnel to countervail U.S. troops withdrawal.

Hence, foreign investors’ only cogent avenue, to overcome the aforementioned challenges, is to foster a sustainable political capital via a genuine and acculturated corporate social responsibility, and as Abraham Lincoln once said “Public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing can fail. Without it, nothing can succeed”

Case in point:

According to the terms of certain service contracts, in the absence of the hydrocarbon law, the international oil companies (IOCs) will receive $1.90 for each additional barrel produced, which is then charged with 35 percent tax and 25 percent cut for the state oil partner. Moreover, IOCs must factor in the financial impacts of the oil sector current constraints, for instance:

• Major Oil fields require billions of dollars for rehabilitation and development as result of years of sanctions and wars.
• Current oil workforce is in desperate need of training and know-how.
• The Iraqi federation of Oil Union could be extremely problematic if both the IOCs and the government continue to ignore the Union’s demands.
• Oil facilities protection services (FPS) lacks adequate training, equipments, and, most importantly, loyalty.
• Contractually, ministry of oil can ask IOCs to reduce production to either meet Global markets demands (OPEC quotas, for instance) or to avoid systematic bottleneck as result of inadequate infrastructure.

Consequently, in order for IOCs to minimize their capital exposure while safeguarding their bottom line, IOCs should ask the following before committing billions of dollars for years to come:

a) Does the IOC’s leadership embody Transcultural competence and strategic insight?

b) What’s the IOC’s risk tolerance and price tag it’s willing to pay to mitigate the impact of unforeseen externalities associated with the post-conflict environment.

In sum, given international investors and oil companies experiences in high-risk environments, understanding and anticipating policy risks in a politically volatile environment such as Iraq could be a valuable source of a competitive advantage. furthermore, IOCs and investors who adopt business model which entails balanced operational efficiency with sustainable political capital (efficient leverage of trusted relationships) are most likely to survive Iraq’s political quagmire for years to come. Conversely, operating impetuously with no apparent understanding of the country’s political landmines and nuances could be a costly and dangerous venture with detrimental effects on both humans and capital, and as the renowned American businessman Malcolm Forbes once said “The best vision is insight”.

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.

Tariq Abdell, founder & chairman, Mesopotamia Insight and Iraq analyst

Can be contacted at: atariq2000@hotmail.com

or

Follow him on twitter: www.twitter.com/atariqx

By Tariq Abdell, Founder & Chairman, Mesopotamia Insight.

Iraq’s recent upsurge of violence, fueled by political impasse and regional geopolitics – Notably Iran’s Mullacracy suicidal ambitions, could easily undermine its fragile democracy and, thus, plunging the country into a vicious downward spiral. The ongoing ignominious political ploys are creating a toxic environment compelling the majority of the Iraqi people to distrust the legitimacy of their government and its institutions, a dangerous threshold that could hastily throw the country back into its darkest years of lawlessness and sectarian violence (06 – 07) or “Square 1″ as Mr. Al-Maliki depicted in his recent interview with the New York times.

Mr. Al-Maliki’s decisive victory against the militia in early 2008 “Charge of knights” operations had helped the country recover some of its pride and hope. Moreover, this critical milestone was followed by more ambitious and bold steps triggering, in the process, a major shift in the country’s mindset and priorities (security is no longer theme du-jour, for instance). Iraqi people gradually began to dust off some of the hefty residues of the sectarian violence and look optimistically beyond security constraints. Sustained by an abrupt rise of the oil prices (over $100 a barrel), jobs creation and rebuilding were the nation’s number one priorities; these positive developments were met with positive reactions (political will) from the international community, which was translated into a massive influx of foreign investors including international oil companies probing for business opportunities. Consequently, the Iraqi government began to harvest the fruits of its hard work, and Mr. Al-Maliki’ s party (State of law coalition) was awarded with an unanimous victory in the 2009 provincial elections.

Regrettably, Iraq’s political infighting and violence, hitherto, are an imminent threat to its long-term stability and unity, and as Abraham Lincoln once said “a house divided against itself cannot stand”. Furthermore, Iraqi politicians have, unsurprisingly, failed to live up to the expectations of their constituents merely of their self-serving agendas and inability to fathom the interdependence and impact of political instability, insecurity, and economic underdevelopment on the country’s future. The absence, thus far, of a democratic and accountable government (mirroring the will and the aspirations of the Iraqi people) has created a power vacuum that is stalling the country’s institutions and, subsequently, jeopardizeing its highest interests for generations to come.

Despite its vast natural resources ( billions of oil and natural gas reserves), Iraq is still lagging far behind many developed countries – that once surpassed – as result of decades of wars, sanctions, and political instability; hence, Iraq’s economy is in desperate need of major structural reforms (e.g., investment law, hydrocarbon law). The Economist Intelligence Unit graded Iraq CC- in its credit ratings – Somewhere next to Sudan and Zimbabwe. For instance, investors, international oil companies, and private businesses are still facing a host of frustrating and hindering issues: Corruption, bureaucracy, lack of transparency, extortion, inconsistent customs procedures, visa problems, etc… Hence, in order for Iraq to overcome these challenges and join the 21st century, it must institute a conducive and transparent business environment compatible with its new constitution, consequently, attracting foreign investments, necessary capital, and greatly needed technological know-how, that is susceptible to resuscitate the country’s weakened economy, create jobs, and, ultimately, improve the well-being of millions of its disenfranchised citizens.

Fortunately, giving the current black gold rush, Iraq is well positioned as ever before to become the modern days El Dorado – Giving emerging markets insatiable appetite for energy resources- if it succeeds in rebuilding its political capital and enhancing the operational efficiency of its institutions.
To this end, Iraq must renounce its sectarian-based policies, political violence, and espouse an inclusive democratic system that embraces and protects the country’s diversities (UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights). Thus, the new government’s long-term strategy should entail an action plan that reflects the country’s top priorities and the people aspirations:

• National reconciliation to overcome the sectarian and political violence.
• Overhauling of State’s weak and inept institutions to rein in corruption and enhance efficiency.
• Providing access to basic services (e.g., drinking water, electricity, and running sewer)
• Advancing the principles of Human Rights and the Rule of Law.
• Investing in education: Higher illiteracy levels are a serious challenge to the country’s future.
• Creating jobs: Higher unemployment could be a source for societal and political unrest.
• Revive the country strategic industries to curtail its dependence on petrodollar.

To this end, national reconciliation is an absolute imperative to stave off sectarian violence, political instability, and, most importantly , the collapse of the State’s institution. Conversely, we might have to echo Mr. Al-Maliki saying, “We thought we had gone further in eradicating sectarianism than reality has shown.”(New York Times interview). Alas, for as in years to come will prove, undeniably, that both the country and its future generations will pay dearly for these injudicious choices.

The opinions expressed here are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News.